Against
All Odds
A Wound That Refuses to Heal.
In the autumn of 1984, Delhi’s streets burned with a fury that left an indelible scar on India’s conscience. Following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984, organized pogroms targeting Sikhs swept through the capital and beyond. Government estimates report 2,800 Sikhs killed in Delhi alone, while independent sources place the nationwide toll between 8,000 and 17,000. Homes were looted, gurdwaras set ablaze, and families torn apart in a wave of violence that survivors describe as a betrayal of the state itself.
Forty years later, the wounds of 1984 remain raw for survivors like Lakhwinder Kaur and Nirpreet Kaur, who lost loved ones in the carnage. Their pursuit of justice against powerful political figures like Congress leaders Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar has been a grueling odyssey through a legal system often paralyzed by delays, institutional bias, and political interference. Represented by senior advocate H.S. Phoolka, a tireless crusader for the victims, their stories embody both the resilience of the human spirit and the systemic failures that have denied closure to thousands.
The riots erupted in the wake of Operation Blue Star, a military operation ordered by Indira Gandhi in June 1984 to flush out Sikh militants from the Golden Temple in Amritsar. The operation, which resulted in hundreds of deaths and damaged the holiest Sikh shrine, inflamed tensions between Sikhs and the state. Gandhi’s assassination by her Sikh bodyguards was the spark that ignited a tinderbox of resentment, orchestrated by elements within the ruling Congress party, according to multiple commissions.
In Delhi’s Trilokpuri, Sultanpuri, and other neighborhoods, mobs armed with iron rods and kerosene systematically targeted Sikh homes and businesses. Witnesses recall police complicity, with officers either standing idly by or actively aiding rioters. The Nanavati Commission (2000–2004) later found evidence that Congress leaders, including Tytler and Kumar, “very probably” incited or facilitated the violence. Yet, for decades, justice remained elusive, as successive governments shielded influential perpetrators.
H.S. Phoolka, who has fought these cases pro bono for over three decades, says, “The 1984 riots were not spontaneous. They were a planned massacre, enabled by those in power. The police, meant to protect, became accomplices. For survivors, the fight for justice is not just about punishment—it’s about restoring their faith in the nation.”
Lakhwinder’s Unyielding Resolve.
Lakhwinder Kaur, now 58, lost her husband, Badal Singh, on November 1, 1984, when a mob attacked the Gurdwara Pul Bangash in North Delhi. Badal Singh, one of three men killed that day, was stabbed with his own kirpan and burned alive. Lakhwinder learned the horrific details from Surender Singh, a granthi at the gurdwara, who witnessed the mob’s savagery. “Meri duniya ujad gayi thi (My world is over),” says Lakhwinder, her voice trembling as she recalled the day her world collapsed.
After the riots, Lakhwinder was resettled in Tilak Vihar’s Widow Colony, a grim enclave for riot victims. She received a DDA flat in 1985, Rs 7 lakh in compensation, and a peon’s job at a government school in Tagore Garden. But material aid could not fill the void of loss or the frustration of a justice system that seemed indifferent. In 2007, when the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) sought to close the case against Jagdish Tytler, accused of inciting the Pul Bangash mob, Lakhwinder’s whereabouts were unknown. It was Nirpreet Kaur, another riot victim, who tracked her down through the Sub-Divisional Magistrate’s office, urging her to fight. “Lakhwinder showed immense courage,” Phoolka says. “She was under tremendous pressure—social, emotional, and political—but she stood firm. Her protest petition in 2007 was pivotal in keeping Tytler’s case alive.”
Lakhwinder’s testimony in 2024 at Delhi’s Rouse Avenue Court was a turning point. She recounted Surender Singh’s account of Tytler arriving in a white Ambassador car, shouting, “Sikho ko mar do, ujad do, gurdwara ko aag laga do” (“Kill the Sikhs, destroy them, set the gurdwara on fire”). Her words, delivered with quiet resolve, bolstered the case against Tytler, who faces charges of murder, rioting, and abetment.
Nirpreet Kaur’s
Defiant Spirit.
Nirpreet Kaur was 16 when she watched her father, Nirmal Singh, president of a gurdwara in Raj Nagar, being burned alive by a mob on November 1, 1984. “I saw him engulfed in flames, and I was helpless,” she recalls, her voice still raw with grief. The trauma fueled her resolve to seek justice, not only for her father but for others like Lakhwinder. Now 56, Nirpreet runs an NGO for riot victims and has been a key figure in tracking down witnesses and supporting legal efforts.
Her battle for justice was fraught with obstacles. In the years following the riots, Nirpreet faced terror charges and spent nine years in jail, a period she believes was orchestrated to silence her. Yet, she remained steadfast. “Watching my father die made me feel the most helpless I’ve ever felt,” she says. “That memory drives me to fight for others, so no one else feels that despair.”
Nirpreet’s testimony was crucial in securing a life sentence for Sajjan Kumar in 2018 for the murders of five Sikhs in Raj Nagar. She vividly recalled Kumar addressing a mob, urging them to kill Sikhs because they had “killed his mother” (referring to Indira Gandhi). Her courage in the face of threats and intimidation inspired others, including Lakhwinder, to come forward.
Praising Nirpreet, Phoolka says, “Nirpreet is a warrior. She turned her pain into purpose, not just for herself but for countless others. Her role in finding Lakhwinder and supporting victims has been indispensable.”
Chronology of a Delayed Pursuit.
The case against Jagdish Tytler, a former Congress minister and close ally of the Gandhi family, is a stark illustration of the glacial pace of justice for the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. On November 1, 1984, a mob descended on Gurdwara Pul Bangash in north Delhi, killing three Sikh men: Badal Singh, Thakur Singh, and Gurcharan Singh. Witnesses, including Surender Singh, a granthi at the gurdwara, alleged that Tytler arrived at the scene in a white Ambassador car, inciting the mob with inflammatory rhetoric.
Badal Singh, Lakhwinder Kaur’s husband, was stabbed with his own kirpan and burned alive, his body reduced to ashes on a cart piled with tires. For years, the trauma of that day haunted survivors, but the prospect of holding a powerful figure like Tytler accountable seemed remote. Between 1985 and 2005, multiple commissions, including the Nanavati Commission, investigated the riots and found “credible evidence” of Tytler’s involvement in orchestrating the violence. Yet, no charges were filed, as Tytler’s political clout and proximity to the Congress leadership shielded him from prosecution.
In 2007, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) moved to close the case, citing insufficient evidence, a decision that sparked outrage among survivors. Encouraged to fight, Lakhwinder filed a protest petition in December 2007, a courageous act that compelled the court to reopen the case. Her determination, bolstered by Nirpreet’s advocacy, exposed the CBI’s reluctance to pursue Tytler. Between 2008 and 2015, the CBI filed two additional closure reports, both rejected by Delhi courts, which criticized the agency’s lackluster investigations.
In 2013, a Delhi court ordered a reinvestigation into the Pul Bangash killings, citing new witness testimonies and the need for a thorough probe. A significant breakthrough came in 2018 when Manjit Singh GK, former president of the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, submitted a pen drive to the CBI containing an audio recording allegedly of Tytler confessing to killing “100 Sikhs” during the riots. The CBI’s forensic analysis confirmed the voice as Tytler’s, adding weight to the case.
By May 2023, the CBI filed a chargesheet against Tytler, accusing him of murder, rioting, abetment, promoting enmity, and unlawful assembly. In September 2024, charges were formally framed, and Tytler pleaded not guilty, dismissing the allegations as politically motivated.
Lakhwinder Kaur’s testimony in October and November 2024 was a pivotal moment. Standing in Delhi’s Rouse Avenue Courts, she recounted Surender Singh’s eyewitness account, her voice steady despite the weight of four decades of grief. Her words painted a vivid picture of Tytler’s alleged role, galvanizing the prosecution’s case.
As of April this year, the trial continues, with further hearings scheduled. H.S. Phoolka, reflecting on the case’s significance, notes, “Tytler’s case is a rare example of a case reopened after three clean chits. It shows the power of persistent victims like Lakhwinder and advocates like Nirpreet, but also the shameful delays engineered by those in power.” Tytler’s fate now hangs in the balance as survivors cling to hope for accountability.
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Chronology of a Partial Victory.
The legal battle against Sajjan Kumar, another prominent Congress leader implicated in the 1984 riots, is a saga of partial victories marred by decades of frustration. Kumar, a powerful figure in Delhi’s political landscape, was accused of orchestrating multiple massacres in the city’s western neighborhoods. On November 1 and 2, 1984, in Raj Nagar, a mob murdered five members of a Sikh family, including the husband and son of Jagdish Kaur, a key witness. In Saraswati Vihar, Jaswant Singh and his son Tarundeep Singh were burned alive in their home.
For years, Kumar’s influence as a Congress MP and his ties to the party’s upper echelons rendered him untouchable, as affidavits implicating him gathered dust in government files. Between 1985 and 2005, survivors like Nirpreet and Jagdish Kaur submitted detailed accounts to commissions, including the Nanavati Commission, which in 2005 recommended action against Kumar for his “probable involvement” in the killings.
Despite these findings, the Delhi Police, notorious for its inaction during and after the riots, failed to register cases. It was only in 2005, under pressure from activists and the media, that the CBI launched an investigation. In 2010, Jagdish Kaur testified in court, recounting how Kumar stood atop a vehicle, directing the mob to slaughter Sikhs and burn Hindu homes sheltering them. Her testimony, corroborated by Nirpreet’s vivid recollection of Kumar’s incendiary speech, laid the groundwork for a historic prosecution. Yet, setbacks persisted. In 2013, a Delhi court acquitted Kumar in a separate case involving three murders in Sultanpuri, a verdict that left Nirpreet and other victims reeling.
The tide turned in December 2018, when the Delhi High Court convicted Kumar for the Raj Nagar murders, overturning a lower court’s acquittal. Sentenced to life imprisonment, Kumar was ordered to surrender by December 31, 2018, a moment of triumph for Nirpreet, Jagdish Kaur, and their advocates. The court’s 207-page judgment cited Kumar’s role in inciting the mob and noted the “planned and systematic” nature of the violence.
Nirpreet’s testimony, describing Kumar’s call to “kill Sikhs” and the mob’s subsequent rampage, was instrumental in securing the conviction. The victory, however, was incomplete, as Kumar faced additional charges in other cases. In December 2021, the Rouse Avenue Court framed charges against him for the Saraswati Vihar killings, where Jaswant Singh and his son were burned alive. The case progressed slowly, hampered by Kumar’s frequent medical bail applications and legal maneuvers. In February 2025, Kumar was convicted for these murders, with sentencing arguments scheduled for February 18, 2025. He continues to serve a life sentence for the Raj Nagar case, but survivors fear he may seek bail on health grounds, a tactic that has prolonged their agony.
H.S. Phoolka, who has spearheaded Kumar’s prosecution, says, “Sajjan Kumar’s convictions are symbolic, but incomplete. Thousands were killed, yet only one major leader has been punished. This shows both progress and the scale of justice still denied.”
The system was designed to shield the guilty. Police, politicians, and even some judges turned a blind eye. The victims’ persistence is the only reason we’ve seen any progress.
H.S. Phoolka
Senior Advocate H.S. Phoolka has been leading the relentless fight for justice for the victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. Since 1985, he has represented victims pro bono and was instrumental in forming the Citizens Justice Committee to pursue legal action. Despite facing political and legal challenges, he has continued his work. He has also provided financial support to victims and launched awareness initiatives. He says that the thought of giving up this tough fight never came to his mind, and that every hearing gives his new energy to keep fighting until justice is delivered to the 1984 victims.
A Reflective Apology.
Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi has said that he is willing to take responsibility for all the "mistakes made by the party" throughout its history, including the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. The comment was made by him on April 21 during a Q&A session at Brown University in the US, after a Sikh attendee confronted him on the party’s role in the riots and protection of leaders like Sajjan Kumar.
Gandhi said he was not present during the events of 1984 but was ready to accept accountability for his party’s actions. “A lot of those happened when I was not there, but I am more than happy to take responsibility for everything the Congress party has ever done wrong in its history,” he said.
“I have publicly stated that what happened in the 80s was wrong, I have been to the Golden Temple multiple times, I have extremely good relationships with the Sikh community in India,” he added.
Gandhi expressed regret, emphasizing the need for accountability and learning from past failures to strengthen the party’s future. He highlighted that owning up to these errors is essential for rebuilding trust with the public, especially the Sikh community, which has long sought justice for the atrocities.
'Happy To Take Responsibility': Rahul Gandhi Admits To Congress’s Past Mistakes, Including 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots
The Systemic Failures.
The 1984 riots exposed a collapse of India’s legal and administrative systems. The Nanavati Commission noted that Delhi Police fired only 392 rounds and arrested 372 persons during the riots, remaining “passive” as Sikhs were slaughtered. Police often failed to collect forensic evidence or record accurate witness statements, undermining early investigations.
Commissions like Jain-Aggarwal (1990–1993) recommended cases against Kumar, Tytler, and others, but police ignored these directives. The CBI’s repeated closure reports in Tytler’s case and delays in filing chargesheets against Kumar fueled suspicions of political interference. Phoolka laments, “The system was designed to shield the guilty. Police, politicians, and even some judges turned a blind eye. The victims’ persistence is the only reason we’ve seen any progress.”
Survivors faced intimidation, with witnesses like Nirpreet enduring threats and false charges. Lakhwinder, living in relative obscurity, was pressured to stay silent. Yet, their courage, amplified by Phoolka’s pro bono work, kept the cases alive.
Lakhwinder Kaur now lives in Dehradun, Uttarakhand, while Nirpreet Kaur resides in Jalandhar, Punjab. The former’s quiet strength and the latter’s fiery activism represent the spectrum of resilience among survivors. For them and countless others, the quest for justice is a testament to their enduring spirit. As they navigate courtrooms and memories of a shattered past, their fight echoes a universal truth: justice, however delayed, is worth pursuing.
The skies of Delhi no longer billow with smoke, but the survivors’ voices rise, demanding accountability and healing for a nation still grappling with its darkest chapter.